By Rinus van Schendelen
Every year hundreds of thousands of curiosity teams seem sooner than the eu Union to foyer for laws and subsidies, a few extra successfully than others. full of genuine situations, examples of fine perform, and winning techniques, this totally revised and rewritten re-creation of Machiavelli in Brussels offers a wealth of knowledge for pro execs and rookies alike.
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Additional resources for More Machiavelli in Brussels: The Art of Lobbying the EU, 3rd Edition
In the Central Euro- NOT MEMBER STATES BUT MEMBER COUNTRIES 29 pean countries, the national government widely intervenes in society, including the private sectors, but sees its domain shrinking. In short, the general pattern is organised pluralism, which gives all public and private groups a limited domain and scope for influence at home. The member states can best be characterised as mixed public-private systems. The government is only a part of any country’s governance system, as the latter is a mixture of public and private organisations, such as ministries and companies.
This outside world is perceived as having two faces. One looks promising and full of opportunities, the other threatening and difficult. The permanently changing complexities of the outside world make adaptive and/or influencing behaviour continuously necessary, particularly regarding other organisations and groups acting as either friends or opponents, in short as stakeholders. Therefore, every organisation has to satisfy two selfish interests. At its input side, it has to acquire the means of operation it needs from the outside, for example budget, support, information and other resources, and at its output side, it has to deliver what is demanded from the outside, for example special products, services, support and other contributions.
By raising them to the EU level, they make it mixed public-private, too. This term or idea of europeanization has become increasingly popular in both public discussion and in the literature, but its definition is frequently implicit or loose and not yet well established. Some take it as a synonym for European integration or, in nasty wording, EU-ization [Fligstein and Stone Sweet, 2001; Kohler-Koch, 2003], others as a regional case of globalisation [Wallace and Wallace, 1996, 16-19]. Particularly dominant is 34 the europeanization of public affairs the view that EU dynamics have become part of domestic policies and politics [Featherstone and Radaelli, 2003; Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier, 2005; Graziano and Vink, 2007], which is so to say the downstream view, that goes from EU to the national systems and creates an impact on, for example, domestic social policies [Bache, 2008], public law [Jans and others, 2007] and urban government [Marshall, 2005].